MIT Working Papers in Linguistics #55

Proceedings of the 4th Workshop on Altaic Formal Linguistics (WAFL4)

ed. C. Boeckx and S. Ulutas, 2008

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Young-ran An, Stony Brook University
Korean extrinsic tul produces the maximizing/exhaustivity effect, this semantic property of which is well apprehended by virtue of the parallel between Korean tul and English all: Both Korean tul and English all renders a domain-adjusting meaning to a sentence in which they occur. On the other hand, the extrinsic marker should be c-commanded by a plural NP within a local domain. It can also show up in more than one position of a clause, without adding any further meaning to the case of its single occurrence. These syntactic properties can be successfully accounted for based on the feature sharing version of Agree.
Tomohiro Fujii, Daito Bunka University
The present paper argues that the so-called ‘obligatory control (OC) and non-obligatory control (NOC)’ distinction results from an interaction between the finiteness of subordinate clauses and the locality conditions imposed on the A-dependency underling the controller-controllee relation. By examining data concerning control into nominalized, ‘tensed’ clauses in Japanese, it is shown that apparently puzzling facts concerning the OC/NOC distinction not only become understandable but also shed light on the role of D- and φ-features in θ-related and case-related A-dependencies, once a dual nature of the nominalizing complementizer is recognized.
Kaori Furuya, The Graduate Center, the City University of New York
This paper challenges Fukui’s (1986) claim that Japanese does not project Determiner Phrase (DP). Although many definite noun phrases including noun phrases with demonstratives allow adjectival modification at the left periphery, I will offer three constructions that do not permit adjunction and argue against the NP hypothesis, and conclude that there should not be a functional category parameter proposed by Fukui & Sakai (2003).
Aslı Göksel, Meltem Kelepir, Aslı Üntak-Tarhan Boğaziçi University & SOAS, Boğaziçi University, Cornell University
This study investigates the morpho-syntactic characterisation of intonation as a clause-typer which distinguishes between declaratives and questions in Turkish. Based on an earlier study where we argue that intonation identifies clause types, we discuss the results of a perception test designed to explore the robustness of intonation. We further investigate the nature of the composite structure of question intonation, the relation between intonation and lexical material (wh-words and the modal adverb hani) and how our findings can be implemented in grammar.
Seungwan Ha, Boston University
This paper is concerned with how ATB scrambling is derived in Korean. ATB scrambling refers to an identical element in each conjunct scrambles out of the coordinate structure. I propose that the underlying structure of ATB scrambling is Right Node Raising (RNR). RNR takes place in the first conjunct, and then the RNR target in the second conjunct undergoes successive-cyclic movement to the topmost position. I also argue that the Coordinate Structure Constraint is not a movement constraint, but a representational condition that must be satisfied at LF, as proposed by Fox (2000) and Kato (2006).
Nobuko Hasegawa, Kanda University of International Studies
By examining matrix Sluicing, which has characteristics distinct from those of embedded Sluicing, I will argue that even Japanese, which has been considered as a non-wh-movement language, exhibits syntactic wh-movement, if triggered by the pragmatic or functional requirement on a truncated version of a true information question. This is a case study for a framework where sentential ‘Force’ in the sense of Chomsky (1995) and Rizzi (1997) or clause typing plays an important role in the application of grammatical operations as well as in the explication of language differences.
Hitoshi Horiuchi Brown University
This paper closely examines clausal and categorial properties of the so-called Purpose Expressions in Japanese. It reveals the fact that bi-clausal Purpose Expressions allow mixed categories as their purpose complements as well as pure verbal projections, and the fact that mono-clausal Purpose Expressions involves either complex predicates or pure nominal projections as their purpose complements. I present an LFG analysis of the Purpose Expressions that involves mixed categories as their purpose complements.
Atakan Ince, University of Maryland
In Turkish, complement clauses and possessive structures bear default agreement with Partitive Subjects/Possessors, unlike matrix clauses, whereas full agreement occurs in matrix clauses with both partitive and non-partitive Subjects because these phrases form a doubling structure with a pro which is selected due to selection of T(ense) in the lexical array, and it is the pro that agrees with Agr. Since non- matrix structures are defective because they do not have TP projection, Agr has to agree with the partitive Subject/Possessor since no pro forms a doubling structure with them. This shows that Turkish is a [- multiple agree] language, and that agreement and Case checking are independent operations.
Soo-Yeon Jeong, Harvard University
This paper examines prenominal and postnominal Numeral Quantifier constructions in Korean and proposes that the two constructions are analogous to pseudopartitives in English. Syntactically, it is proposed that the postnominal NQ construction is a DP-internal small clause and the prenominal NQ construction is derived from the small clause through predicate inversion. Semantically, the relation between the head noun and the NQ is analyzed as a kind and its instantiation of a particular size. Special attention is paid to the semantic distinction between pseudopartitives and partitives to demonstrate that the Korean NQ constructions are indeed pseudopartitives.
Cem Keskin Utrecht University
This paper is an exercise in eliminating v* as a phase head in Turkish. For this, I rely on the distribution of subject nominalizations: Infinitives can be the subjects of clauses but not of nominals; non-finite action nominals can be the subjects of nominals but not of clauses. Data suggests that there is a dependency between the matrix domains and the embedded domains, related to case assignment, and that v* in the subject nominals in question is defective. To account for the data, I postulate an operation called jump-start, which copies the unvalued phi-features of a functional head onto another.
F. Nihan Ketrez, Yale University
Young children do not have access to wide scope interpretation of indefinite objects in English and Dutch. In Mandarin and Spanish, where an indefinite can have a cardinal one reading, children can have earlier access to wide scope. These results imply that children’s difficulty with wide scope interpretation is restricted to one set of languages. In this study, I argue that Turkish presents a challenge for this typology. I further claim that children follow a universal path in the acquisition of indefinites and such a distinction between languages does not exist.
Hirohisa Kiguchi, Miyagi Gakuin Women’ s University
This paper is an argument for the validity of a strictly cyclic derivational approach to grammar proceeding phase by phase. Specifically, it will be argued that Agree as well as A-movement is a cyclic operation in the course of the derivation. It will be shown here that the agreement pattern becomes opposite when the movement changes the hierarchical relation of the nominals. The current analysis of this phenomenon provides an empirical evidence for Pesetsky and Torrego’s (2001) Earliness Principle, which says that an uninterpretable feature must be deleted as early as possible in the derivation is a sample abstract.
Jaklin Kornfilt, Syracuse University
Locality holds between the subject agreement marker and the subject, albeit in different ways, in two types of Turkic RCs. In one type (e.g. Turkish), the modifying clause is a CP, and in the other, it’s a bare TAM-phrase (e.g. Sakha, Uighur). In both types, Agr appears on the phase head: in Turkish, on C, and in Sakha/Uighur, on N/D. The local domain for licensing the subject’s Case (via a probe-goal relation between Agr and subject) is CP for Turkish RCs, and DP for Sakha/Uighur RCs. Two phenomena offer independent motivation: 1. Turkish-type RCs display Complementizer Agreement effects, while Sakha/Uighur type RCs don’t; 2. In both types, generalized binding precludes locally bound resumptive pronouns, with CP as the local domain for the ban in Turkish RCs, and the entire DP in Sakha/Uighur RCs.
Hasan Mesut, Meral Boğaziçi University
In this paper, I aim at investigating the semantic nature and the syntactic licensing of null object constructions in Turkish. We propose that (i) null objects are variable in nature rather than object pros, (ii) null objects behave like resumptives in a number of contexts and because of this they can be considered as null resumptives, (iii) null objects are licensed under a resumption chain à la Boeckx (2003a).
Shigeru Miyagawa, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
We will compare genitive subjects in three Altaic languages, Dagur, Japanese, and Turkish. We will see that in Dagur and Turkish, which have φ-feature agreement, the φ-feature probe merges on a phase head — D in Dagur and C in Turkish. Following Hale (2002), I analyze the Dagur RC as AspP, while it is a full CP in Turkish (Kornfilt 2003). We will explore the possibility that the genitive-subject RC in Japanese is identical to Dagur in having the “reduced” AspP. As we will see, the inflection on the verb appears to mark aspect, not tense. We will see differences between “normal RC” and “gapless RC” constructions with regard to tense/aspect and also the well-known transitivity restriction.
Mitsue Motomura Osaka University of Economics
A Japanese particle -to, which appears as a suffix to an embedded clause, has been assumed to be a complementizer parallel to English that. However, some analyze -to as a postposition. The goal of this paper is to support the postposition analysis by refuting the arguments against the postposition analysis. Two such arguments given by Takezawa and Whitman (1998) will be shown invalid. Furthermore, a seemingly problematic passive construction for the postposition analysis will be discussed.
Takashi Nakajima, Toyama Prefectural University
This paper proposes an analysis on the light verb construction (LVC) under Aktionsart oriented syntax (Ramchand 2001, Travis, forthcoming) and Distributed Morphology (Halle & Maranz, 1993). It argues that predicates in LVC directly project their arguments in the tri-partite vP syntax in much the same way as conventional verbs do. What is unique in LVC is that the verbal and semantic features are independently realized in two morphologically distinctive constituents: the former is realized as the light verb do and the latter as verbal nouns (VNs). This is due to the diachronic properties of VNs that they are loan words.
Masashi Nomura, Chukyo University
This paper establishes the syntax of two types of transitive V-te ar- constructions in Japanese: an Accusative Transitive te ar- construction, in which the object of the verb is marked accusative, and a Nominative Transitive te ar- construction, in which the object of the verb is marked nominative. In this paper, I will argue that syntactic differences between the two transitive V-te ar- patterns can be attributed to Wurmbrand’s (2001) discussion that restructuring infinitives and non-restructuring infinitives have different clausal architectures and provide evidence that supports Wurmbrand’s view.
Balkız Öztürk, Boğaziçi University
Turkish exhibits two relativization strategies: -(y)An for Subject Relativization and –DIK for Non-subject Relativization. However, the distribution of these strategies is not always predictable based on the subject/non-subject distinction as widely noticed in the literature (Hankamer&Knecht 1976, Sezer 1991, Özsoy 1994, Kornfilt 2000, Çağrı 2005, Ulutaş 2006, among others). The aim of this study is to account for the choice of relative clause strategies in Turkish. We will propose that [Spec,TP] in Turkish is a criterial freezing position à la Rizzi and Shlonsky (2005). Therefore, relativization of an element is only possible if it can avoid [Spec,TP] on its way to CP, which in turn can account for the choice of relative clause morphology in Turkish in a principled way.
So-Young Park, University of Southern California
In this paper, I propose a unified analysis for four patterns of numeral classifier constructions, capitalizing on the idea of a DP structure which embeds a small clause. By appealing to the general theory of movement for feature-checking, the patterns of numeral classifier constructions will be shown to follow directly. The proposed analysis can directly account for demonstrative recursion, which annuls one of the arguments against a DP projection in classifier languages.
Yosuke Sato, University of British Columbia
In this paper, I provide new evidence based on the sensitivity of switch reference marking to the surface subject and the locality exhibited by such marking for Watanabe’s (1996) analysis of Japanese obligatory control as instantiating switch reference. I show that all the hallmarks of the switch reference system also characterize this construction. I implement the analysis of these observations within the Phase Theory (Chomsky 2005), combing the feature-based A′-binding system originally proposed by Finer (1984, 1985) and articulated by Watanabe (2000) with AGREE. I also briefly explore implications of the proposed analysis for areas other than Japanese obligatory control.
Yasutada Sudo, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
This paper claims that tokoro-relatives in Japanese should be analyzed as involving an E-type pronoun, rather than backward control or movement. The arguments come from (i) quantifier scope, (ii) the maximality effect, (iii) negative quantifiers, (iv) split antecedents, and (v) tokoro-relative clauses without an explicit head. It also proposes a compositional semantic analysis of the tokoro-relative construction based on Kim’s (2004) theory of Head Internal Relative Clauses.
Kensuke Takita, Nanzan University
Explaining the observation that a sentence-final particle le blocks certain instances of movement in terms of the CED, Lin (2006) proposes that in Chinese, vP moves to Spec, AspP, whose head is le, so that the surface head-final order is derived from the head-initial one. I point out that Lin’s analysis has two problems, which concern with VP-fronting and an exceptional behavior of subject-extraction. To solve these problems maintaining Lin’s idea that AspP in Chinese is head-initial, I propose that what moves to Spec, AspP is VP, and that Lin’s observations should be explained by the derivational PBC (Saito 2003).