Movement of Degree/Degree of Movement
O. Matushansky, 2002
In this project we examine the DP-internal behavior of degree operators contained in attributive extended APs, specifically degree fronting (so sunny a day) and degree right extraposition (a day sunny enough). We argue that both processes have to do with the scope of the degree operator, namely, that degree fronting is a diagnostic of clausal scope of the degree operator, while right extraposition is overt QR to the DP-internal landing site where a quantifier can be interpreted.
We first show that pre-determine APs in Germanic languages (so sunny a day) are moved to [Spec, NumP] only if they contain a degree operator, i.e. an element that cannot be interpreted in situ. We will then show that the appearance of the adjectival projection in that position is due to pied-piping, and that different degree operators behaave differently with respect to how much material moved overtly (pied-piping).
We then turn to right extraposition. We will show that it can be differentiated from other cases traditionally denoted by the same term (e.g. a professor proud of her children). On the other hand, it has certain properties permitting to assimilate it to DP-extraposition to the right periphery of the vP (Heavy NP Shift) – it has new information status and permits stranding of the argument of the degree operator (a more interesting problem than this). These and similar factors suggest that right extraposition of degree-containing extended APs is overt QR of the degree operator accompanied by more or less pied-piping.
The overall picture seems to be that QR an overt movement processes examined for clausal projections exist in nominal projections as well and have similar properties.
Thesis supervisor: Noam Chomsky
Title: Professor of Linguistics
Table of Contents
Chapter 1 Introduction 7
1.1 The framework 7
1.2 Thesis plan 8
Chapter 2 Theoretical assumptions 11
2.1 Genesis of the xAP 11
2.1.1 Attributive xAPs 11
2.1.2 Asyndetic coordination 13
2.1.3 Argument structure 14
2.1.4 Summary 17
2.2 NumP 18
2.3 Semantics of degree operators 19
2.3.1 Monotonicity 19
2.3.2 Argument structure 20
2.3.3 Dependent clauses 22
2.3.4 The scope of degree operators 22
2.4 Exodus from the DP: degree fronting (bird’s eye) 24
Chapter 3 Eppur si muove 27
3.1 DP-peripheral xAPs 27
3.1.1 English degree words 28
3.1.2 Homonyms and dependents 29
3.1.3 Lexicon of degree fronting 31
3.2 An emigrant or an autochthon? 34
3.2.1 Movement 35
3.2.2 Base-generation 37
3.2.3 Summary 42
3.3 Adjective base-generation site 43
3.3.1 Optional fronting 44
3.3.2 Obligatory fronting 46
3.4 Degree operator base-generation site 48
3.4.1 Such and what 48
3.4.2 Such an xAP 50
3.4.3 Such and so 52
3.4.4 Summary 56
Chapter 4 To move or not to move? 57
4.1 The mechanics of degree fronting 57
4.2 When is degree fronting overt? 58
4.2.1 Forced choices and prefences 58
4.2.2 Optional fronting/xAP pied-piping 60
4.2.3 Summary 61
4.3 NumP revisited 61
4.3.1 Predication 62
4.3.2 Indefinites 63
4.3.3 Overt indefinite article 64
4.3.4 Why the article 68
4.3.5 NumP or else 71
4.3.6 Summary 71
Chapter 5 The scope of degree operators 72
5.1 Non-indefinite degree fronting 72
5.1.1 DP-internal degree scope 73
5.1.2 Degree scope in indefinite xNPs 76
5.2 Scope interactions of degree operators 78
5.2.1 Strong determiners 78
5.2.2 Degree operators and other quantifiers 79
5.2.3 Kennedy’s generalization 81
5.2.4 Interpretability 84
5.3 Position and interpretation 86
5.3.1 Default in-situ position 87
5.3.2 Fronting operators 88
5.3.3 Position at PF 90
Chapter 6 Right extraposition 94
6.1 Degree right extraposition 94
6.1.1 Reduced relatives 95
6.1.2 Exclamatives 97
6.1.3 Implicit arguments 98
6.1.4 Other cases of right dislocation 99
6.1.5 Measure phrases and the identifying so 100
6.1.6 Prosody and focus 100
6.1.7 Summary 101
6.2 The recursion restriction 103
6.3 Degree right extraposition as degree QR 103
6.3.1 No right extraposition of modifiers 104
6.3.2 What moves and how? 104
6.3.3 Degree clause 105
6.3.4 Scope-bearing adjectives 106
6.3.5 Argument separation 107
6.3.6 Experiencer extraposition 110
6.3.7 Tough-infinitive separation 112
6.4 Right periphery and QR 113
6.4.1 Heavy NP shift as QR 113
6.4.2 AP-internal landing sites 114
6.4.3 Summary 115
6.5 Conclusion 116
Chapter 7 Coda 117
7.1 Conclusions 117
7.2 Problems 117
Appendices
Table of contents 119
Appendix 1 Is there adjunction? 121
Appendix 2 Adjectives as heads 141
Appendix 3 Multiple functional heads 147
Appendix 4 Extended predicate modification 179
Appendix 5 Scalarity coercion 183