Consonant Cluster Phonotactics: A Perceptual Approach

M.-H. Côté, 2000

for $19.95 x

This dissertation deals with deletion and epenthesis processes conditioned or constrained by the consonantal environment, essentially consonant deletion, vowel epenthesis, and vowel deletion. It is argues that the standard generative approach to these processes, which relies on the syllable and the principle of prosodic licensing, is empirically inadequate, and an alternative sequential approach based on perceptual factors is developed. It is proposed that the likelihood that a consonant deletes, triggers epenthesis, or blocks vowel deletion correlates with the quality and quantity of auditory cues associated to it in a given context. The approach is implemented in Optimality Theory and adopts more specifically the ‘Licensing by cue’ framework developed by Steriade (1999a,c).

New empirical generalizations concerning deletion and epenthesis processes are incovered, in particular 1) the fact that stops are more likely than other consonants to delete, trigger epenthesis, or block deletion; 2) the role of syntagmatic contrast in deletion and epenthesis processes; 3) the role of the audibility of stop release bursts; 4) the existence of cumulative edge effects, whereby more and more phonotactic combinations are licensed at the edges of prosodic domains as we go up the prosodic hierarchy. These generalizations are elucidated in terms of internal and contextual cues, modulation in the acoustic signal, and cue enhancement processes at edges of prosodic domains.

The proposed perceptual approach achieves a substantial simplification and unification of the conceptual apparatus necessary to analyze deletion and epenthesis processes. It subsumes under the more general notion of perceptual salience principles of well-formedness and the Obligatory Contour Principle. Furthermore, it eliminates the need for exceptional mechanisms such as extrasyllabicity at domain edges.

The analysis is based on the study of deletion and epenthesis processes in a variety of languages. Detailed investigations of schwa in Parisian French, cluster simplification in Quebec French, and stop deletion and vowel epenthesis in Ondarroa Basque are provided.

Thesis Supervisor:      Michael Kenstowicz

Title:                           Professor of Linguistics

<br/>

Table of Contents

Introduction                                                                                                                9

Chapter 1        Against the Syllabic Approach to Deletion and Epenthesis              13

            1.1       The syllabic approach: elements                                                       14

                        1.1.1    From SPE to Prosodic Phonology                                          14

                        1.1.2    Syllable well-formedness conditions                                      16

                                    1.1.2.1 Syllable templates                                                       18

                                    1.1.2.2 Coda Conditions                                                         19

                                    1.1.2.3 The Sonority Sequencing Principle                             21

            1.2       The syllabic approach: weaknesses                                                   22

                        1.2.1    It is insufficient: extrasyllabicity and sequential constraints  23

                                    1.2.1.1 Extrasyllabicity                                                           24

                                    1.2.1.2 Sequential constraints                                                 26

                        1.2.2    It is unnecessary: equivalent sequential analyses                   31

                        1.2.3    It is inadequate: a review of some syllabic analyses               38

                                    1.2.3.1 Hungarian cluster simplification and degemination    38

                                    1.2.3.2 Attic Greek coronal stop deletion                              47

                                    1.2.3.3 English final coronal stop deletion                              56

                                    1.2.3.4 Icelandic consonant deletion                                       61

            1.3       Conclusions                                                                                        74

Appendix: Preterit forms of Icelandic weak verbs                                                    76

Chapter 2        Schwa deletion and epenthesis in French                                           79

            2.1       Basic facts                                                                                           80

                        2.1.1    The underlying status of schwa                                              80

                        2.1.2    The distribution of schwa across contexts                             82

            2.2       Syllabic accounts                                                                                87

                        2.2.1    Pulgram (1961)                                                                       88

                        2.2.2    Subsequent analyses                                                               90

                                    2.2.2.1 Step 1: the most restrictive approach                         91

                                    2.2.2.2 Step 2: allowing for extrasyllabicity                          94

                                    2.2.2.3 Problematic cases: clitics and morpheme-internal

schwas                                                                        98

                        2.2.3    Schwa and variability                                                              101

                        2.2.4    A flexible approach to syllable well-formedness?                  105

            2.3       Sequential generalizations                                                                   107

                        2.3.1    Adjacency to vowels                                                              107

                        2.3.2    The Sonority Sequencing Principle                                         112

                        2.3.3    The special status of stops                                                     119

                        2.3.4    Stops followed by a [-continuant] segment                            122

                        2.3.5    Similarity to adjacent consonants                                           123

                                    2.3.5.1 Contrast in [vocoid]                                                    124

                                    2.3.5.2 Agreement in [+vocoid]                                              126

                        2.3.6    Prosodic boundaries                                                                129

            2.4       Conclusions                                                                                        133

Chapter 3        Basic Theoretical Elements and Their Perceptual Motivations         135

            3.1       Perceptual motivations                                                                       137

                        3.1.1    CV and VC transitions                                                            138

                        3.1.2    Internal cues and the greater vulnerability of stops                140

                        3.1.3    The audibility of release bursts                                              142

                        3.1.4    Contrast and modulation in the acoustic signal                      143

                        3.1.5    Cue enhancement at edges of prosodic domains                     146

                        3.1.6    Coronal stops and F2 transitions                                           151

            3.2       Theoretical apparatus                                                                         152

                        3.2.1    Perception in phonological theory                                          153

                        3.2.2    Markedness constraints                                                          157

                        3.2.3    Faithfulness constraints                                                          163

                        3.2.4    Limiting the role of phonetic grounding                                  179

                        3.2.5    Variation in Optimality Theory                                             181

            3.3       Applications                                                                                       183

                        3.3.1    Lenakel vowel epenthesis                                                       183

                        3.3.2    Sranan consonant deletion                                                      189

            3.4       Conclusions                                                                                        192

Appendix: Additional patterns showing the special status of stops                        193

Chapter 4        Contrast                                                                                              197

            4.1       The proposed approach to contrast between adjacent segments       198

                        4.1.1    Review of the constraint system                                            198

                        4.1.2    Comparisons with other approaches to syntagmatic contrast            200

                                    4.1.2.1 Early proposals                                                          201

                                    4.1.2.2 The Obligatory Contour Principle                              202

            4.2       Identity avoidance: first applications                                                 211

                        4.2.1    Agreement in [place]: Catalan                                     211

                        4.2.2    Agreement in [voice]: Black English                                       216

                        4.2.3    Agreement in [+vocoid]: French                                             217

                        4.2.4    Interaction of manner and place: Hungarian and Siatista

Greek                                                                                      221

            4.3       Cluster simplification in Quebec French                                            227

                        4.3.1    Attested final clusters and previous analyses                        227

                        4.3.2    Cluster reduction and sonority                                               232

                                    4.3.2.1 Obstruent-approximant clusters                                 233

                                    4.3.2.2 Obstruent-nasal clusters                                             235

                                    4.3.2.3 Nasal-approximant clusters                                        236

                                    4.3.2.4 Analysis                                                                      237

                        4.3.3    Cluster reduction and perceptual salience                              239

                                    4.3.3.1 Data                                                                            240

                                    4.3.3.2 Analysis                                                                      253

                                    4.3.3.3 A similar pattern: Philadelphia English                      264

            4.4       Conclusions                                                                                        265

Chapter 5        Edge Effects                                                                                        267

            5.1       Introduction                                                                                        267

            5.2       Expanding the empirical basis of edge effects                         270

            5.3       First case studies                                                                                274

                        5.3.1    Epenthesis in Cairene and Iraqi Arabic                                   275

                        5.3.2    Epenthesis in French                                                              278

                        5.3.3    Stop deletion in Marais-Vendeen                                           282

                        5.3.4    Epenthesis in Vimeu Picard                                                    284

            5.4       Epenthesis and deletion in Basque                                                     289

                        5.4.1    (Ondarroa) Basque: some basic facts                                      289

                        5.4.2    Stops and affricates in prevocalic position                             293

                        5.4.3    Deletion in closed-category lexical items                                295

                                    5.4.3.1 IP-internal deletion                                                     295

                                    5.4.3.2 IP-final retention                                                         298

                        5.4.4    Epenthesis and simplification in nouns/adjectives                 299

                                    5.4.4.1 Excursus on the inflectional system                           300

                                    5.4.4.2 PW-internal contexts                                                  302

                                    5.4.4.3 PW-final, IP-internal contexts                        307

                                    5.4.4.4 IP-final contexts                                                          309

                        5.4.5    Summary                                                                                 310

                        5.4.6    Analysis of edge effects in Ondarroa Basque                         312

                        5.4.7    Cross-dialectical comparisons and the OCP approach           322

            5.5       Conclusions                                                                                        328

References                                                                                                                   331