AGR-Based Case Theory and Its Interaction with the A-Bar System
, A. Watanabe 1993
This thesis proposes a modificaion of the Agr-based Case theory of Chomsky (1992) to deal with the phenomena of Case absorption. The proposed hypothesis claims that Agr must undergo further feature checking with an appropriate functional head after Case checking takes place in AgrP. For this reason, CP is needed immediately above Agr-sP for Nominative and Null Case checking: Accusative Case checking needs TP in simplex clauses and what will be called HP in participle constructions. When these projections are missing, Case checking becomes impossible, resulting in Case absorption. This explains the distribution of PRO and ECM/raising with respect to the Case checking process in Agr-sP. Accusative Case absorption in the participial passive and what will be called the reduced causative also fall under our account. This system is extended to the Case of pre/post-positions.
Given the pivotal role of Tns in the proposed system, a dependency is expected between the feature checking in Agr-sP and the feature checking in Agr-oP. Some such cases from Irish, Japanese, and Icelandic are discussed.
The proposed modification requires the V+infl complex to be raised to C’, creating a configuration where the A-system including Case and inflection interacts with the A-bar movement which makes use of Spec of CP. Wh-agreement and the comp-trace phenomen are given a uniform treatment from this perspective. At the same time, the modified Case theory questions the blocking effect of negation for head movement. Instead, the influence of negation on the inflectional system is captured in terms of modality.
Thesis supervisor: Kenneth L. Hale
Title: Ferrari P. Ward Professor
Table of Contents
Chapter 1 Introduction 17
1.1 Framework 17
1.1.1 Split INFL hypothesis and Case 18
1.1.1.1 Null Case – Balkan subjunctive 23
1.1.2 The VP-internal subject hypothesis and LF Case checking 27
1.1.3 Parametric variation in word order 31
1.1.4 Larsonian shell 41
1.1.5 Generalizaed transformation 48
1.1.6 Domains defined by X-bar theory 51
1.1.7 Economy 55
1.2 Proposal 55
1.2.1 Three-layered case theory 56
1.2.2 Economy of representation 59
1.3 Organization of the thesis 59
Chapter 2 Tns à Agr à Comp 61
2.1 The disrtibution of PRO 61
2.1.1 Our proposal 61
2.1.2 Martin (1992) 66
2.1.3 Icelandic infinitve 69
2.2 No pass through case position 74
2.2.1 Basic situations – English 74
2.2.2 Romanian 82
2.3 ECM from Comp and Comp-Tense correlation 89
2.4 Relation of C0 and I0 92
2.4.1 Agreement in Comp in Germanic 92
2.4.2 Irish complementizers 96
2.5 V2 100
2.5.1 Besten (1983) 101
2.5.2 English topicalization vs. Mainland Scandinavian V2 103
2.5.3 Balkan subjunctive again 108
2.5.4 Welsh 112
2.5.4.1 Spec of TP 112
2.5.4.2 Two subject positions in Pembrokeshire Welsh 115
Appendix to Chapter 2 Topicalization and Larsonian CP recursion 119
A.1 Embedded topicalization and CP recursion 120
A.1.1 Origin of the issue 120
A.1.2 Embedded topicalization and factive complements 124
A.1.3 Clause typing 127
A.2 Factive complements and Larsonian CP recursion 128
A.2.1 Factive operator 128
A.2.2 Larsonian CP recursion 132
A.2.3 Comp-trace effect with embedded topicalization 136
A.2.4 Speculation about the limitation on category recursion 139
A.2.5 Complementarity of embedded V2 and on overt C0 in
German 141
A.3 Negative complementizer 147
A.3.1 Laka (1990) and Progovac (1988) 148
A.3.2 Interactions with factive complements and topicalization 149
A.3.3 Doubt and deny 151
A.3.4 French connection 151
A.4 Theoretical consequences of Larsonian CP recursion 154
A.4.1 Excorporation 155
A.4.1.1 Other instances of excorporation 162
A.4.2 Inapplicability of equidistance 165
Chapter 3 Negation and wh-agreement 167
3.1 Problems of do-support 167
3.2 Negation and modality 173
3.2.1 Palauan negation: irrealis on the verb 173
3.2.2 Negation in English 176
3.2.2.1 LF invisibility: a preliminary 185
3.2.2.2 Chain-based economy account 191
3.2.2.3 Modals 196
3.2.3 Palauan negation again 202
3.2.4 Affixal modals – Basque 204
3.2.5 Position of modals 212
3.2.5.1 Some “historical facts” 212
3.2.5.2 Analysis and some more “facts” 215
3.2.5.3 Modal adjoined to Tns 225
3.3 Wh-agreement in Palauan 229
3.3.1 The phenomenon 229
3.3.2 The account 233
3.4 Wh-agreement in English 238
3.4.1 Subject-nonsubject asymmetries 238
3.4.2 Previous accounts 245
3.4.3 Parametric variations 247
3.4.4 Summary 249
3.5 Modal, negation and wh-agreement 249
3.5.1 V2 and negation in Mainland Scandinavian languages 249
3.5.2 French stylistic inversion 258
3.6 Wh-agreement and null subjects 263
3.7 Subject/non-subject asymmetries 265
Chapter 4 V à Agr à Tns 271
4.1 Causative 271
4.1.1 Two types of causative 271
4.1.2 Case properties of the reduced causative 276
4.1.3 Type 2 causative 289
4.1.4 Comparison with previous studies 292
4.2 Passive 294
4.2.1 Two types of passive 295
4.2.2 Case absorption in passivization 297
4.2.2.1 The participial passive 297
4.2.2.2 The so-called direct and indirect passives in
Japanese 309
4.2.2.3 The simple passive 322
4.2.3 The external q–role in the passive and the reduced
causative 326
4.2.3.1 The reduced causative and the participial passive 327
4.2.3.2 Oblique marking in the simple passive 340
4.2.3.2.1 Apparent 1AEX violations 340
4.2.3.2.2 Impersonal construction 347
4.2.4 Passive/impersonal/reflexive/anti-causative ambiguity 354
4.2.5 Previous analyses of passive 360
4.3 Passive-causative interactions 365
4.3.1 Embedding of passive 365
4.3.1.1 The reduced causative 365
4.3.1.2 The ECM causative 370
4.3.2 Embedding of reflexive/anti-causative 372
4.3.3 The indirect passive again 376
4.3.4 A thrid type of causative 381
4.3.4.1 Italian 382
4.3.4.2 Other cases 388
4.4 Multiple accusative languages? 390
Chapter 5 V à Agr à Tns à Agr à Comp 401
5.1 Dialects of Irish 401
5.2 Japanese floating quantifiers 405
5.3 Nominative objects 410
5.3.1 Distribution of nominative objects 410
5.3.2 Overlapping chains 420
Chapter 6 Case of PP 425
6.1 Structure of PP 425
6.1.1 Welsh agreeing P 425
6.1.2 Navajo spatial enclitics and Mayan relaitno nouns 429
6.1.2.1 Navajo 430
6.1.2.2 Mayan 432
6.1.3 Locational nouns 434
6.1.3.1 Japanese 434
6.1.3.2 English 436
6.1.3.2.1 Bare NP adverbs 436
6.1.3.2.2 Multiple selection in PP? 440
6.2 “Reanalysis” of P 443
6.2.1 The fundamental problem 443
6.2.2 Reanalysis as ECM 446
Chapter 7 Conclusion and further issues 453
7.1 Properties of Agr 453
7.2 Excorporation 457