AGR-Based Case Theory and Its Interaction with the A-Bar System

A. Watanabe, 1993

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This thesis proposes a modificaion of the Agr-based Case theory of Chomsky (1992) to deal with the phenomena of Case absorption.  The proposed hypothesis claims that Agr must undergo further feature checking with an appropriate functional head after Case checking takes place in AgrP.  For this reason, CP is needed immediately above Agr-sP for Nominative and Null Case checking: Accusative Case checking needs TP in simplex clauses and what will be called HP in participle constructions.  When these projections are missing, Case checking becomes impossible, resulting in Case absorption.  This explains the distribution of PRO and ECM/raising with respect to the Case checking process in Agr-sP.  Accusative Case absorption in the participial passive and what will be called the reduced causative also fall under our account.  This system is extended to the Case of pre/post-positions.

Given the pivotal role of Tns in the proposed system, a dependency is expected between the feature checking in Agr-sP and the feature checking in Agr-oP.  Some such cases from Irish, Japanese, and Icelandic are discussed.

The proposed modification requires the V+infl complex to be raised to C’, creating a configuration where the A-system including Case and inflection interacts with the A-bar movement which makes use of Spec of CP.  Wh-agreement and the comp-trace phenomen are given a uniform treatment from this perspective.  At the same time, the modified Case theory questions the blocking effect of negation for head movement.  Instead, the influence of negation on the inflectional system is captured in terms of modality.

Thesis supervisor:         Kenneth L. Hale

Title:                             Ferrari P. Ward Professor

Table of Contents

Chapter 1         Introduction                                                                                          17

            1.1       Framework                                                                                          17

                        1.1.1    Split INFL hypothesis and Case                                                18

                                    1.1.1.1 Null Case – Balkan subjunctive                         23

                        1.1.2    The VP-internal subject hypothesis and LF Case checking         27

                        1.1.3    Parametric variation in word order                                            31

                        1.1.4    Larsonian shell                                                              41

                        1.1.5    Generalizaed transformation                                                      48

                        1.1.6    Domains defined by X-bar theory                                             51

                        1.1.7    Economy                                                                                  55

            1.2       Proposal                                                                                               55

                        1.2.1    Three-layered case theory                                                         56

                        1.2.2    Economy of representation                                                        59

            1.3       Organization of the thesis                                                                      59

Chapter 2         Tns à Agr à Comp                                                                           61

            2.1       The disrtibution of PRO                                                                        61

                        2.1.1    Our proposal                                                                            61

                        2.1.2    Martin (1992)                                                                           66

                        2.1.3    Icelandic infinitve                                                                      69

            2.2       No pass through case position                                                               74

                        2.2.1    Basic situations – English                                                           74

                        2.2.2    Romanian                                                                                 82

            2.3       ECM from Comp and Comp-Tense correlation                         89

            2.4       Relation of C0 and I0                                                                             92

                        2.4.1    Agreement in Comp in Germanic                                               92

                        2.4.2    Irish complementizers                                                                96

            2.5       V2                                                                                                       100

                        2.5.1    Besten (1983)                                                                          101

                        2.5.2    English topicalization vs. Mainland Scandinavian V2      103

                        2.5.3    Balkan subjunctive again                                                           108

                        2.5.4    Welsh                                                                                       112

                                    2.5.4.1 Spec of TP                                                                   112

                                    2.5.4.2 Two subject positions in Pembrokeshire Welsh 115

Appendix to Chapter 2 Topicalization and Larsonian CP recursion                    119

            A.1      Embedded topicalization and CP recursion                                            120

                        A.1.1   Origin of the issue                                                                     120

                        A.1.2   Embedded topicalization and factive complements                     124

                        A.1.3   Clause typing                                                                            127

            A.2      Factive complements and Larsonian CP recursion                                 128

                        A.2.1   Factive operator                                                                       128

                        A.2.2   Larsonian CP recursion                                                 132

                        A.2.3   Comp-trace effect with embedded topicalization                        136

                        A.2.4   Speculation about the limitation on category recursion    139

                        A.2.5   Complementarity of embedded V2 and on overt C0 in

German                                                                                    141

            A.3      Negative complementizer                                                                      147

                        A.3.1   Laka (1990) and Progovac (1988)                                           148

                        A.3.2   Interactions with factive complements and topicalization 149

                        A.3.3   Doubt and deny                                                                        151

                        A.3.4   French connection                                                                    151

            A.4      Theoretical consequences of Larsonian CP recursion                 154

                        A.4.1   Excorporation                                                                           155

                                    A.4.1.1            Other instances of excorporation                                   162

                        A.4.2   Inapplicability of equidistance                                        165

Chapter 3         Negation and wh-agreement                                                                 167

            3.1       Problems of do-support                                                                        167

            3.2       Negation and modality                                                              173

                        3.2.1    Palauan negation: irrealis on the verb                                         173

                        3.2.2    Negation in English                                                                   176

                                    3.2.2.1 LF invisibility: a preliminary                                           185

                                    3.2.2.2 Chain-based economy account                         191

                                    3.2.2.3 Modals                                                             196

                        3.2.3    Palauan negation again                                                  202

                        3.2.4    Affixal modals – Basque                                                           204

                        3.2.5    Position of modals                                                                    212

                                    3.2.5.1 Some “historical facts”                                      212

                                    3.2.5.2 Analysis and some more “facts”                                    215

                                    3.2.5.3 Modal adjoined to Tns                                      225

            3.3       Wh-agreement in Palauan                                                                     229

                        3.3.1    The phenomenon                                                                      229

                        3.3.2    The account                                                                              233

            3.4       Wh-agreement in English                                                                       238

                        3.4.1    Subject-nonsubject asymmetries                                               238

                        3.4.2    Previous accounts                                                                     245

                        3.4.3    Parametric variations                                                                 247

                        3.4.4    Summary                                                                                  249

            3.5       Modal, negation and wh-agreement                                                       249

                        3.5.1    V2 and negation in Mainland Scandinavian languages     249

                        3.5.2    French stylistic inversion                                                            258

            3.6       Wh-agreement and null subjects                                                            263

            3.7       Subject/non-subject asymmetries                                                          265

Chapter 4         V à Agr à Tns                                                                                  271

            4.1       Causative                                                                                             271

                        4.1.1    Two types of causative                                                 271

                        4.1.2    Case properties of the reduced causative                                   276

                        4.1.3    Type 2 causative                                                                       289

                        4.1.4    Comparison with previous studies                                             292

            4.2       Passive                                                                                     294

                        4.2.1    Two types of passive                                                                295

                        4.2.2    Case absorption in passivization                                                297

                                    4.2.2.1 The participial passive                                       297

                                    4.2.2.2 The so-called direct and indirect passives in

Japanese                                                                      309

                                    4.2.2.3 The simple passive                                                        322

                        4.2.3    The external q–role in the passive and the reduced

causative                                                                                  326

                                    4.2.3.1 The reduced causative and the participial passive           327

                                    4.2.3.2 Oblique marking in the simple passive                340

                                                4.2.3.2.1          Apparent 1AEX violations                    340

                                                4.2.3.2.2          Impersonal construction                        347

                        4.2.4    Passive/impersonal/reflexive/anti-causative ambiguity     354

                        4.2.5    Previous analyses of passive                                                      360

            4.3       Passive-causative interactions                                                                365

                        4.3.1    Embedding of passive                                                               365

                                    4.3.1.1 The reduced causative                                                  365

                                    4.3.1.2 The ECM causative                                                      370

                        4.3.2    Embedding of reflexive/anti-causative                            372

                        4.3.3    The indirect passive again                                                          376

                        4.3.4    A thrid type of causative                                                           381

                                    4.3.4.1 Italian                                                                           382

                                    4.3.4.2 Other cases                                                                  388

            4.4       Multiple accusative languages?                                                  390

Chapter 5         V à Agr à Tns à Agr à Comp                                                       401

            5.1       Dialects of Irish                                                                         401

            5.2       Japanese floating quantifiers                                                                  405

            5.3       Nominative objects                                                                               410

                        5.3.1    Distribution of nominative objects                                              410

                        5.3.2    Overlapping chains                                                                   420

Chapter 6         Case of PP                                                                                           425

            6.1       Structure of PP                                                                         425

                        6.1.1    Welsh agreeing P                                                                      425

                        6.1.2    Navajo spatial enclitics and Mayan relaitno nouns                      429

                                    6.1.2.1 Navajo                                                                         430

                                    6.1.2.2 Mayan                                                                          432

                        6.1.3    Locational nouns                                                                       434

                                    6.1.3.1 Japanese                                                                      434

                                    6.1.3.2 English                                                              436

                                                6.1.3.2.1          Bare NP adverbs                                  436

                                                6.1.3.2.2          Multiple selection in PP?                       440

            6.2       “Reanalysis” of P                                                                                  443

                        6.2.1    The fundamental problem                                                          443

                        6.2.2    Reanalysis as ECM                                                                   446

Chapter 7         Conclusion and further issues                                                                453

            7.1       Properties of Agr                                                                                  453

            7.2       Excorporation                                                                                       457