On the Phonological Derivation and Behavior of Nasal Glides
, R. L. Trigo Ferre 1988
This thesis presents a unified phonological approach to the emergence of nasal vowels from the reduction of vowel plus nasal consonant sequences (in our terms nasal ‘absorption’) in a number of unrelated languages. Nasal ‘absorption’ is studied in the context of other phenomena which play a role in this process: the appearance of optional weakly articulated velar nasals after nasalized vowels, the appearance of nasalized ‘transitions’ or of nasal stops between nasal vowels and certain consonants, the exceptional susceptibility to ‘absorption’ processes and to processes which neutralize a consonant’s point of articulation which certain nasal consonants have, depending on their position in the word.
I claim that nasal ‘absorption’ occurs when the occlusion of a nasal stop is removed or weakened considerably to the point where it is a glide. A nasal glide without any place features, [N], is shown to derive by a process which simultaneously reduces obstruent stops to glottal stops in Japanese, Choctaw and Malay. Material from Chinese, Caribbean Spanish and Choctaw are used to provide supporting evidence for the role of [N] in nasal ‘absorption’. The nasals which are most susceptible to ‘absorption’ are shown to be those which are most susceptible to weakening processes that diminish the magnitude of their oral occlusion or remove that occlusion altogether.
I show that the reduction of nasal stops to [N] causes spreading of nasalization from the nasal onto neighbouring vowels and need not be accompanied by the deletion of the nasal segment, though it often is. When the glide [N] is not deleted, it is often interpreted as a consonant and subsequently velarized to [ŋ]. I argue that in many languages nasals in homorganic NC stop clusters do not undergo ‘absorption’ because ‘absorption’ targets [N] in these languages. Place assimilation is shown to be a potentially feature changing operation which may occur before or after the creation of [N].
The analysis of nasal ‘absorption’ which posits an intermediate stage with a ‘floating’ [+nasal] autosegment cannot explain why nasal ‘absorption’ is bled or blocked by place assimilation. I question the basis upon which ‘floating’ nasal features have been assumed to ‘drift’ over segmental material in Capanahua and argue that ‘floating’ nasality in Terena and Coatzospan Mixtec are revisited. Certain facts of Aguaruna provide the basis for an argument in favor of representing derivationally ambiguous forms as having more than one underlying form. Thus, the fact that in certain cases the exact ordering of a nasal element in the word cannot be known does not constitute sufficient evidence for the existence of a ‘floating’ nasal feature that is unordered with respect to surrounding segments.
I establish the existence of vocalic nasal glides and continuants derived from nasal stops in Basari. The possibility that vocalic nasal glides may participate in ‘absorption’ processes is also considered.
Thesis Supervisor: Morris Halle
Title: Institute Professor
Table of Contents
Framework 8
0.1 Feature geometry 8
0.2 Phonolgoical rules 13
0.3 Thesis blueprint 19
Chapter 1 [N]: Phonetic description and derivation 25
1.1 Japanese 32
1.2 Choctaw 39
1.3 Malay 41
Chapter 2 [N]: velarization 45
2.1 Syllable attrition processes 45
2.1.1 Uradhi 57
2.1.2 Murut 59
2.1.3 Chukchi 64
2.1.4 Polish 68
2.1.5 Spanish 71
2.2 The underlying placelessness of velars 81
2.2.1 Triggers of place assimilation 84
2.2.2 Targets of place assimilation 89
2.2.3 Dorsal transparency 90
2.2.4 Dorsals, laryngeals and the OCP 98
2.3 Conclusion 101
Chapter 3 [N]: absorption 104
3.1.1 On the nature of debuccalization 105
3.1.2 Typology and distribution debuccalized vs. ‘absorbed’
nasals 111
3.2 Ordering nasal debuccalization before nasal ‘absorption’ 116
3.2.1 ‘Absorption’ and the preservation of vocalic point of
articulation 117
3.2.2 [N] and the spreading of nasality 118
3.2.3 Place assimilation and nasal ‘absorption’ 127
3.2.3.1 Aguaruna 129
3.2.3.2 Capanahua 136
3.2.3.3 Western Muskogean 143
3.2.3.4 Panamanian Spanish 148
3.3 Conclusion 156
Chapter 4 Floating vs. drifting nasality 164
4.1 The problem 164
4.1.1 Terena 174
4.1.2 Coatzospan Mixtec 180
4.1.3 Drifting nasality and derivational ambiguity 191
4.2 Conclusion 194
Appendix 195
A.1 Stricture variation among nasals 195
A.2 Nasal glides and continuants in Basari 198
A.3 When is the velar nasal a continuant 202
A.3.1 Tucanoan 205
A.3.2 Gokana 213
A.4 Vocalic nasal glides and nasal ‘absorption’ 216