Syntactic Focus Movement and Ellipsis: A Minimalist Approach
J.-S. Kim, 1997
Abstract
The goal of this thesis is to explore focusing effects in the phenomenon of ellipsis within a minimalist framework (Chomsky 1993, 1995).
In chapter 2, I explore Pseudogapping constructions in English vs. Korean/Japanese. Lasnik (1995, 1997) argues that English Pseudogapping is VP ellipsis, with the remnants having moved to Spec of Agr in overt syntax, in a split VP structure (Koizumi 1995). In the first part, I examine Lasniks theory. In the second part, I observe that there is a similar construction to English Pseudogapping in Korean/Japanese. I argue that pseudogapped remnants in Korean/Japanese move out of the ellipsis site via syntactic focus movement. Given the standard minimalist assumption that all movements are driven by feature checking, focus movement will also have to be driven by a feature [+focus]. I define [+focus] as a formal feature which represents accented new information. I assume that Foc(us)P is placed above TP in Korean/Japanese, and argue that the focused constituent undergoes syntactic focus movement. In short, I argue that Korean/Japanese Pseudogapping is syntactic focus movement followed by VP ellipsis.
In chapter 3, I investigate Sluicing in Japanese/Korean vs. English. I argue that Japanese/Korean Sluicing is syntactic focus movement followed by TP ellipsis or VP ellipsis. The second part is devoted to Sluicing in English. Based on the observation that Sluicing is allowed only in interrogative WH-clauses, I argue that English Sluicing is syntactic focus movement plus WH-movement followed by TP ellipsis.
In chapter 4, I explore Gapping constructions In Korean/Japanese vs. English. I argue that Gapping in Korean/Japanese is syntactic focus movement followed by TP ellipsis. In the second part, I argue that Gapping in English is syntactic focus movement following by TP ellipsis. In sum, I argue that Gapping in these languages is an instance of incomplete TP ellipsis, with the remnants having moved out the ellipsis site via syntactic focus movement.
Table of Contents
Introduction 1
1.1 Minimalist Assumptions 1
1.2 Outline of the Thesis 4
Notes to Chapter 1 8
Extracting Pseudogapped Remnants 9
2.1 Introduction 9
2.2 Pseudogapping in English is Incomplete VP Ellipsis 11
2.3 Pseudogapping in Korean/Japanese 20
2.3.1 Main-Verb-Only Constructions in Korean/Japanese 21
2.3.2 Korean Verbal Morphology: PF Merger 27
2.3.3 On AgrP in Korean 30
2.3.3.1 Evidence for AgrsP in Korean 31
2.3.3.2 What Lasnik & Saitos (1991) observations say about AgroP in Korean 33
2.3.4 Pseudogapping in Focus Constructions 37
2.3.4.1 Single Pseudogapped Remnant 37
2.3.4.2 Multiple Pseudogapped Remnant 56
2.3.5 Ellipsis more than VP 65
2.3.5.1 NegP Deletion 65
2.3.5.2 Stripping 66
2.3.5.3 Pseudostripping 69
2.3.5.4 The Upper Bound of Elliptic Categories 73
2.4 Conclusion 75
Notes to Chapter II 77
What does [+focus] do in Sluicing? 81
3.1 Introduction 81
3.2 Sluicing in Japanese 85
3.2.1 Previous Analyses of Japanese Sluicing 85
3.2.1.1 Sluicing with Overt WH-movement 86
3.2.1.2 Sluicing without (WH)-movement 96
3.2.2 Proposals 105
3.2.2.1 Sluicing with Focus Movement 105
3.2.2.2 Two Types of Sluicing and Da be-support in Japanese 113
3.2.2.3 Multiple Sluicing and Overt Saving Effects 116
3.3 Sluicing in English 126
3.3.1 Previous Analyses 127
3.3.1.1 Lobecks (1990) Agreement Analysis 127
3.3.1.2 Nishiyama, Whitman, & Yis (1996) Copula Analysis 128
3.3.2 Data often ignored in the treatment of Sluicing 129
3.3.3 Driving Sluiced Remnant(s) 130
3.3.3.1 Why is Sluicing allowed only in Interrogative WH-clauses? 131
3.3.3.2 Spill-over Sluicing 134
3.3.3.2.1 Previous Analyses 134
3.3.3.2.2 Proposals 138
3.3.3.3 On the Position of Strong Categorial D-features 143
3.3.3.4 Island Effects: A Speculation 145
3.3.4 A Note on Matrix Sluicing 148
3.3.4.1 Matrix Sluicing in English 148
3.3.4.2 Matrix Sluicing in Japanese 149
3.4 Conclusion 151
Notes to Chapter III 154
The Role of Contrastive Focus in Gapping 159
4.1 Introduction 159
4.2 Gapping in Korean/Japanese 163
4.2.1 Saitos (1987) Right Node Raising Analysis 163
4.2.2 Abe & Hoshis (1993, 1995) LF Copying Analysis 166
4.2.3 Proposals: Leftward Focus Movement plus PF Deletion of TP 172
4.2.3.1 Multiple Gapped Remnants 172
4.2.3.2 Postposition Drop and Case-marker Drop 182
4.3 Gapping in English 184
4.3.1 The Apparent Non-constituency in Gapping 184
4.3.2 Larsons (1990) (Leftward Movement followed by) VP/V Deletion Analysis 186
4.3.3 Proposals: Rightward Focus Movement plus PF Deletion of TP 193
4.3.4 A Note on Johnsons (1994) Across-the-Board Movement Analysis of Gapping 204
4.4 Conclusion 213
Notes to Chapter IV 214
Bibliography 217