Intransitive Verbs and Italian Auxiliaries
, L. Burzio 1981
If we accept some results provided by some recent generative studies on Italian, it will appear that some purely syntactic processes affect the selection between the two aspectual auxiliaries of Italian: esere (be) and avere (have), as in (i) and (ii).
(i) a. Giovanni ha volutu venire
Giovanni has wanted to come
b. Giovanni e’ volutu venire
Giovanni is (has) wanted to come
(ii) a. Si vorrebbe gia aver comprato quel regali
One would like to already have bought those presents
b. Quei regali si vorrebbero gia essere comprati
Those presents one would like to already be (have) bought
In A Restructuring Rule in Italian Syntax, L. Rizzi has argues that in (i)b., but not in (i)a., a process altering the complementation relation between the two verbs has taken place, and that such a process is syntactic. Rizzi as well as other researchers have claimed that cases like (ii)b. are derived from cases like (ii)a. via application of the syntactic rule of NP-movement.
On the basis of this, one will be led to believe that syntactic factors play a role in the selection of the auxiliary in Italian. In this thesis we claim that not only is this belief correct, but that in fact the type of auxiliary reflects certain configurational properties of syntactic structure quite systematically.
This view is supported by the fact that the distribution of auxiliaries is entirely uniform over some well-defined syntactic domains, such as: a. Passives, b. Reflexives (when the reflexive element is a clitic), c. Impersonals, since each of those constructions will take essere invariable, and as in (iii).
(iii) a. Giovanni e’ stato invitato
Giovanni is (has) been invited
b. Giovanni si e’ vestito
Giovanni is (has) dressed himself
c. Si sarebbe invitato anche Giovanni
One would be (have) invited Giovanni as well
On the fact that among the apparetnyl intransitive verbs, some normally select avere, while others select essere as in “Giovanni ha telefonato/Giovanni has phoned” versus “Giovanni e’ venuto/Giovanni is (has) come”, we assume, following some recent studies within Relational Grammar, in particular D. Perlmutter’s Impersonal Passives and the Unaccusative Hypothesis, that the class of apparent intransitives is syntactically non-homogeneous, in that with verbs like venire the apparent subject is in fact a direct object at the level at which thematic relations, or the “argument structure” of predicates, are represented. The earlier part of the thesis is devoted to providing evidence for this bifurcation within apparently intransitive verbs.
Besides providing an account for facts like those in (i), (ii), (iii) above, in the course of our discussion we will develop several subsystems of the grammar of Italian, test their interaction and examine some extension to other languages. These subsystems are: the syntax of “subject inversion”. The syntax of “reduced relatives”. The rule operative in causative and restructuring constructions. The syntax of reflexives.
Thesis Supervisors: Noam Chomsky
Title: Institute Professor
<br/>
Table of Contents
0 General Introduction 11
0.1 Prefatory note 11
0.2 Theoretical framework 12
0.3 Organization 19
Chapter 1 VP adjunction versus base generation 22
1.0 Introduction 22
1.1 The distribution of NE 23
1.2 Passive 25
1.3.1 Impersonal si 27
1.3.2 Object preposing 32
1.4.1 Ergative verbs 38
1.4.2 Minus thematic subject 41
1.4.3 Ergative si 45
1.5 VP-adjunction 48
1.6 Auxiliary assignment 50
1.7 Linear order 57
1.7.0 Introduction 57
1.7.1 Complement shift 57
1.7.2 Sentence pronominalization 65
1.7.3 Stranded prepositions 68
1.7.4 Benefactive datives 69
1.8 Inherent reflexives 72
1.9 Conclusion 79
Footnotes 80
Chapter 2 The theory of inversion 101
2.0 Introduction 101
2.1.1 The relation R 101
2.1.2 Raising and Control 108
2.2.1 Subject doubling 110
2.2.2 The relation Rd 115
2.2.3 Subject pronoun drop 120
2.2.4 Case marking 126
2.3.1 The syntax of inversion 132
2.3.2 Focus 142
2.4 Non distinctness 144
2.4.0 Introduction 144
2.4.1 Reflexive agreement 145
2.4.2 SI-construction 146
2.4.3 Auxiliary selection 148
2.4.4 Conclusion 151
2.5.1 The NIC alternative 152
2.5.2 The ECP alternative 156
2.6 Minus accusative 159
2.7 Conclusion 173
Footnotes 175
Chapter 3 Extensions 186
3.0 Introduction 186
3.1 Piedmontese 187
3.1.0 Introduction 187
3.1.1 Base generation 188
3.1.2 The syntax of ye 191
3.1.3 Locationals in Italian 193
3.1.4 Ci under restructuring 200
3.1.4 Wh-movement 204
3.2 French 205
3.2.0 Introduction 205
3.2.1 The general distribution 206
3.2.2 Passives and se-moyen 209
3.2.3 The syntax of il 212
3.3 Small clauses 218
3.3.0 Introduction 218
3.3.1 To be deletion 218
3.3.2 Base generation 225
3.3.3 Present participles 230
3.4 There-be constructions 234
3.4.0 Introduction 234
3.4.1 Background 234
3.4.2 The alternative 237
3.4.3 Participle sequences 248
3.5 English ergative verbs 252
3.5.1 Preliminaries 252
3.5.2 -Er affixation 255
3.5.3 Expletive objects 258
3.5.4 Verbal ES 262
3.5.5 Non-vacuous loss of accusative 270
3.6.1 Non-vacuous loss of thematic role 280
3.6.2 Italian sc relatives 283
Footnotes 291
Chapter 4 Movement and recoverability 317
4.0 Introduction 317
4.1 Each interpretation 317
4.2 Quantifier scope 322
4.3 There interpretation 328
4.4 Conclusions 332
Footnotes 337
Chapter 5 Causative constructions 345
5.0 Introduction 345
5.1 Faire-infinitive 345
5.2 Faire-par 346
5.2.0 Introduction 346
5.2.1 Agent phrase 347
5.2.2 The “Passive Meaning” 354
5.2.3 Alternatives 361
5.3 Overlap between FP and FI 364
5.3.0 Introduction 364
5.3.1 Cliticization 364
5.3.2 NP-movement 371
5.4 Proper binding 375
5.4.0 Introduction 375
5.4.1 Priveleged relation 376
5.4.2 Summary 385
5.5 Ergative under Fare 389
5.5.0 Introduction 389
5.5.1 Dative cliticization 390
5.5.2 The “reflexive” problem 397
5.5.3 Cliticization and case assignment 400
5.5.4 Dativization 404
5.6 Subcategorization of causative verbs 409
5.7 Reflexives 425
5.7.0 Introduction 425
5.7.1 The syntax of reflexives 426
5.7.2 Reanalysis 447
5.7.3 Reflexives in sc relatives 454
5.7.4 Reflexives with Fare 461
5.7.5 On a lexical theory of reflexives 477
Footnotes 487
Chapter 6 Restructuring constructions 539
6.0 Introduction 539
6.1 Background 542
6.2 VP-movement 550
6.2.0 Introduction 550
6.2.1 Restructuring with andare, venire 550
6.2.2 Similarities between restructuring and causatives 557
6.3 Subject deletion 561
6.4 Non-distinctness 562
6.4.0 Introduction 562
6.4.1 Semantic recoverability 564
6.4.2 Control verbs 571
6.4.3 Passive 575
6.4.4 Sc relatives 577
6.4.5 Restructuring under fare 585
6.4.6 Aspectuals 591
6.4.7 Conclusion 599
6.5 The change of auxiliary 603
6.5.0 Introduction 603
6.5.1 Pp agreement with cliticization 604
6.5.2 Pp agreement with SI 607
6.5.3 Differences between restructuring and causatives 610
6.5.4 Auxiliaries 613
6.5.5 The alternative 622
6.5.6 Conclusion 626
6.6 Reflexives under restructuring 631
6.7.1 Passive essere 644
6.7.2 Lack of auxiliary 650
6.8 “Di” complements 652
6.9 Residual questions 655
6.10 Conclusion 664
Footnotes 667