Intransitive Verbs and Italian Auxiliaries

L. Burzio, 1981

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If we accept some results provided by some recent generative studies on Italian, it will appear that some purely syntactic processes affect the selection between the two aspectual auxiliaries of Italian: esere (be) and avere (have), as in (i) and (ii).

            (i)         a.         Giovanni ha volutu venire

                                    Giovanni has wanted to come

                        b.         Giovanni e’ volutu venire

                                    Giovanni is (has) wanted to come

            (ii)        a.         Si vorrebbe gia aver comprato quel regali

                                    One would like to already have bought those presents

                        b.         Quei regali si vorrebbero gia essere comprati

                                    Those presents one would like to already be (have) bought

In A Restructuring Rule in Italian Syntax, L. Rizzi has argues that in (i)b., but not in (i)a., a process altering the complementation relation between the two verbs has taken place, and that such a process is syntactic.  Rizzi as well as other researchers have claimed that cases like (ii)b. are derived from cases like (ii)a. via application of the syntactic rule of NP-movement.

On the basis of this, one will be led to believe that syntactic factors play a role in the selection of the auxiliary in Italian.  In this thesis we claim that not only is this belief correct, but that in fact the type of auxiliary reflects certain configurational properties of syntactic structure quite systematically.

This view is supported by the fact that the distribution of auxiliaries is entirely uniform over some well-defined syntactic domains, such as: a. Passives, b. Reflexives (when the reflexive element is a clitic), c. Impersonals, since each of those constructions will take essere invariable, and as in (iii).

            (iii)       a.         Giovanni e’ stato invitato

                                    Giovanni is (has) been invited

                        b.         Giovanni si e’ vestito

                                    Giovanni is (has) dressed himself

                        c.         Si sarebbe invitato anche Giovanni

                                    One would be (have) invited Giovanni as well

On the fact that among the apparetnyl intransitive verbs, some normally select avere, while others select essere as in “Giovanni ha telefonato/Giovanni has phoned” versus “Giovanni e’ venuto/Giovanni is (has) come”, we assume, following some recent studies within Relational Grammar, in particular D. Perlmutter’s Impersonal Passives and the Unaccusative Hypothesis, that the class of apparent intransitives is syntactically non-homogeneous, in that with verbs like venire the apparent subject is in fact a direct object at the level at which thematic relations, or the “argument structure” of predicates, are represented.  The earlier part of the thesis is devoted to providing evidence for this bifurcation within apparently intransitive verbs.

Besides providing an account for facts like those in (i), (ii), (iii) above, in the course of our discussion we will develop several subsystems of the grammar of Italian, test their interaction and examine some extension to other languages.  These subsystems are: the syntax of “subject inversion”.  The syntax of “reduced relatives”.  The rule operative in causative and restructuring constructions.  The syntax of reflexives.

Thesis Supervisors:       Noam Chomsky

Title:                             Institute Professor

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Table of Contents

0          General Introduction                                                                                         11

            0.1       Prefatory note                                                                                       11

            0.2       Theoretical framework                                                              12

            0.3       Organization                                                                                         19

Chapter 1         VP adjunction versus base generation                                        22

            1.0       Introduction                                                                                          22

            1.1       The distribution of NE                                                               23

            1.2       Passive                                                                                                 25

                        1.3.1    Impersonal si                                                                            27

                        1.3.2    Object preposing                                                                      32

                        1.4.1    Ergative verbs                                                                           38

                        1.4.2    Minus thematic subject                                                  41

                        1.4.3    Ergative si                                                                                 45

            1.5       VP-adjunction                                                                                      48

            1.6       Auxiliary assignment                                                                              50

            1.7       Linear order                                                                                         57

                        1.7.0    Introduction                                                                              57

                        1.7.1    Complement shift                                                                      57

                        1.7.2    Sentence pronominalization                                                       65

                        1.7.3    Stranded prepositions                                                               68

                        1.7.4    Benefactive datives                                                                   69

            1.8       Inherent reflexives                                                                                 72

            1.9       Conclusion                                                                                           79

Footnotes                                                                                                                     80

Chapter 2         The theory of inversion                                                              101

            2.0       Introduction                                                                                          101

                        2.1.1    The relation R                                                                           101

                        2.1.2    Raising and Control                                                                  108

                        2.2.1    Subject doubling                                                                       110

                        2.2.2    The relation Rd                                                             115

                        2.2.3    Subject pronoun drop                                                               120

                        2.2.4    Case marking                                                                           126

                        2.3.1    The syntax of inversion                                                  132

                        2.3.2    Focus                                                                                       142

            2.4       Non distinctness                                                                                   144

                        2.4.0    Introduction                                                                              144

                        2.4.1    Reflexive agreement                                                                  145

                        2.4.2    SI-construction                                                             146

                        2.4.3    Auxiliary selection                                                                     148

                        2.4.4    Conclusion                                                                               151

                        2.5.1    The NIC alternative                                                                  152

                        2.5.2    The ECP alternative                                                                  156

            2.6       Minus accusative                                                                                  159

            2.7       Conclusion                                                                                           173

Footnotes                                                                                                                     175

Chapter 3         Extensions                                                                                            186

            3.0       Introduction                                                                                          186

            3.1       Piedmontese                                                                                         187

                        3.1.0    Introduction                                                                              187

                        3.1.1    Base generation                                                                        188

                        3.1.2    The syntax of ye                                                                       191

                        3.1.3    Locationals in Italian                                                                 193

                        3.1.4    Ci under restructuring                                                                200

                        3.1.4    Wh-movement                                                                          204

            3.2       French                                                                                                  205

                        3.2.0    Introduction                                                                              205

                        3.2.1    The general distribution                                                 206

                        3.2.2    Passives and se-moyen                                                 209

                        3.2.3    The syntax of il                                                             212

            3.3       Small clauses                                                                                        218

                        3.3.0    Introduction                                                                              218

                        3.3.1    To be deletion                                                                          218

                        3.3.2    Base generation                                                                        225

                        3.3.3    Present participles                                                                     230

            3.4       There-be constructions                                                             234

                        3.4.0    Introduction                                                                              234

                        3.4.1    Background                                                                              234

                        3.4.2    The alternative                                                              237

                        3.4.3    Participle sequences                                                                  248

            3.5       English ergative verbs                                                                            252

                        3.5.1    Preliminaries                                                                             252

                        3.5.2    -Er affixation                                                                             255

                        3.5.3    Expletive objects                                                                      258

                        3.5.4    Verbal ES                                                                                262

                        3.5.5    Non-vacuous loss of accusative                                                270

                        3.6.1    Non-vacuous loss of thematic role                                             280

                        3.6.2    Italian sc relatives                                                                      283

Footnotes                                                                                                                     291

Chapter 4         Movement and recoverability                                                                317

            4.0       Introduction                                                                                          317

            4.1       Each interpretation                                                                                317

            4.2       Quantifier scope                                                                                   322

            4.3       There interpretation                                                                               328

            4.4       Conclusions                                                                                          332

Footnotes                                                                                                                     337

Chapter 5         Causative constructions                                                             345

            5.0       Introduction                                                                                          345

            5.1       Faire-infinitive                                                                           345

            5.2       Faire-par                                                                                              346

                        5.2.0    Introduction                                                                              346

                        5.2.1    Agent phrase                                                                            347

                        5.2.2    The “Passive Meaning”                                                 354

                        5.2.3    Alternatives                                                                              361

            5.3       Overlap between FP and FI                                                                  364

                        5.3.0    Introduction                                                                              364

                        5.3.1    Cliticization                                                                               364

                        5.3.2    NP-movement                                                                          371

            5.4       Proper binding                                                                                      375

                        5.4.0    Introduction                                                                              375

                        5.4.1    Priveleged relation                                                                    376

                        5.4.2    Summary                                                                                  385

            5.5       Ergative under Fare                                                                              389

                        5.5.0    Introduction                                                                              389

                        5.5.1    Dative cliticization                                                                     390

                        5.5.2    The “reflexive” problem                                                            397

                        5.5.3    Cliticization and case assignment                                               400

                        5.5.4    Dativization                                                                               404

5.6       Subcategorization of causative verbs                                                                 409

5.7       Reflexives                                                                                                         425

            5.7.0    Introduction                                                                                          425

            5.7.1    The syntax of reflexives                                                             426

            5.7.2    Reanalysis                                                                                            447

            5.7.3    Reflexives in sc relatives                                                                        454

            5.7.4    Reflexives with Fare                                                                              461

            5.7.5    On a lexical theory of reflexives                                                 477

Footnotes                                                                                                                     487

Chapter 6         Restructuring constructions                                                                    539

            6.0       Introduction                                                                                          539

            6.1       Background                                                                                          542

            6.2       VP-movement                                                                                      550

                        6.2.0    Introduction                                                                              550

                        6.2.1    Restructuring with andare, venire                                               550

                        6.2.2    Similarities between restructuring and causatives                        557

            6.3       Subject deletion                                                                                    561

            6.4       Non-distinctness                                                                                   562

                        6.4.0    Introduction                                                                              562

                        6.4.1    Semantic recoverability                                                 564

                        6.4.2    Control verbs                                                                           571

                        6.4.3    Passive                                                                         575

                        6.4.4    Sc relatives                                                                               577

                        6.4.5    Restructuring under fare                                                            585

                        6.4.6    Aspectuals                                                                                591

                        6.4.7    Conclusion                                                                               599

            6.5       The change of auxiliary                                                              603

                        6.5.0    Introduction                                                                              603

                        6.5.1    Pp agreement with cliticization                                       604

                        6.5.2    Pp agreement with SI                                                                607

                        6.5.3    Differences between restructuring and causatives                       610

                        6.5.4    Auxiliaries                                                                                 613

                        6.5.5    The alternative                                                              622

                        6.5.6    Conclusion                                                                               626

            6.6       Reflexives under restructuring                                                    631

                        6.7.1    Passive essere                                                                          644

                        6.7.2    Lack of auxiliary                                                                       650

            6.8       “Di” complements                                                                                 652

            6.9       Residual questions                                                                                655

            6.10     Conclusion                                                                                           664

Footnotes                                                                                                                     667